The peasant jacquerie, a movement of revolt by French peasants in the 14th century, and the practice of worker sabotage, a form of resistance by workers against capitalist exploitation, may seem to be two distinct and distant phenomena in history. However, a closer look at the two movements reveals interesting theoretical and historical links. In this article, we will explore these links and show how the peasant jacquerie and the practice of worker sabotage are linked to the class struggle and resistance against oppression. The network of activists of plateforme jaune.com is in line with Marx and Bakunin. This is where we place ourselves, in the tradition of peasant jacqueries that have marked the history of social struggles. PLATEFORMEJAUNE.COM does not exclude any form of struggle against oppression. Because we proclaim that any majority, including electoral, is illegitimate to justify economic and political oppression. The right to social equality and the right not to be exploited are absolute rights that prevail over any majority . However, the historical reformist movement of the organized workers' movement has betrayed this revolutionary perspective to sink into a policy of class collaboration, which advances to mask itself behind a hollow "revolutionary" narrative of the Trotskyist and Stalinist extreme left. This approach is the betrayal that separates the strike from sabotage, considering that the fight against exploitation can only be done by peaceful and institutional means. We denounce this criminal error that leads to impasse and defeat: we experienced it again during the defeat against the last reform calling into question the right to retirement. Yellow Plateform.com affirms that the fight against exploitation and oppression must be conducted autonomously, without waiting for the approval of institutions or political parties and even less that of the Bolshevik leftists who admire the genocidal murderers of workers like Lenin, Trotsky, Stalin, Mao etc.
With this in mind, we will look back at the history of peasant revolts, which have marked the history of social struggles. We will analyze the living conditions of peasants and the forms of resistance they put in place to fight against oppression. We will also study the different forms of struggle that have emerged in the workers' movement, and the perspectives that are open to us to fight against exploitation and oppression.
Table of Contents
3.2. The Rive-de-Gier Miners' Strike (1844) a key event in the history of the French workers' movement .
3.4. The Miners' Strike of 1930: A Resistance Movement Against Dangerous Working Conditions and Low Wages . 7
4.1. The Yellow Vest Movement and the Link with the Peasant Jacquerie and the Practice of Worker Sabotage 9
4.2. The Book of Emile Pouget and the Link with the Peasant Jacquerie and the Practice of Worker Sabotage 9
1. The Peasant Jacquerie: A Movement of Revolt against Feudal Oppression
In 1358, France was in the throes of a deep crisis. The Black Death, which had ravaged Europe since 1347, had led to a shortage of labor and a rise in food prices. The Hundred Years' War, which pitted France against England, had weakened the French economy and increased taxes on peasants (Braudel, 1985). It was in this context that the peasants, subjected to difficult living conditions and high taxes, revolted against the lords and nobles who oppressed them.
1.1. The causes of the revolt
According to French historian Albert Soboul,
"The peasant revolt was a movement of revolt against feudal oppression, which took the form of an armed insurrection against the lords and nobles" (Soboul, 1976).
Peasants were subjected to corvées, dues and taxes that prevented them from living with dignity . The Black Death, which ravaged Europe in the 14th century, also played an important role in the genesis of the jacquerie . Indeed, the labor shortage that followed the plague strengthened the position of the lords and nobles, who increased the charges and taxes on the peasants (Le Roy Ladurie, 1977). A testimony from the time, the Chronicle of Jean le Bel , describes the living conditions of the peasants:
"The peasants were so poor that they could not pay their debts, and the lords oppressed them more and more" (Jean le Bel, 1358).
Another testimony, that of the medieval historian, Froissart, describes the situation of the peasants in these terms:
"The peasants were very mistreated by the lords and nobles, who took everything they had, without leaving them anything" (Froissart, 1369).
According to the French historian, Georges Duby,
"The peasant revolt was a response to the economic and social crisis that affected Europe in the 14th century" (Duby, 1968).
Duby points out that the peasant jacquerie was a movement of revolt against feudal oppression, but also against the economic crisis that led to a shortage of resources and an increase in burdens on the peasants. The British historian, Rodney Hilton, analyzes the peasant jacquerie as a class movement, which pitted the peasants against the lords and nobles (Hilton, 1973). According to Hilton, the jacquerie was a movement of revolt against the economic and social exploitation of the peasants by the dominant classes. In conclusion, the origins of the peasant jacqueries are complex and multifaceted. The causes of the revolt include feudal oppression, the shortage of labor following the Black Death, and the economic crisis that affected Europe in the 14th century. The testimonies of the time and the analyses of historians allow us to understand the living conditions of the peasants and the reasons for their revolt against the lords and nobles.
1.2. Living conditions of the nobles
The nobles, who formed the ruling class of medieval society, lived in very different living conditions from those of the peasants. According to the French historian, Georges Duby,
"the nobles were the masters of the land and of men" (Duby, 1968).
They owned land and castles, and they derived their income from land rent, taxes and corvées imposed on peasants.
Nobles lived in castles, which were both luxurious residences and military fortresses. According to the testimony of the medieval writer, Guillaume de Machaut,
“Castles were places of delight and pleasure” (Machaut, 1350).
The castles were equipped with all the comforts possible for the time, including kitchens, dining rooms, bedrooms, chapels and gardens. The nobles spent their time hunting, tournaments, war and politics.
According to British historian Maurice Keen,
"The nobles were warriors and hunters" (Keen, 1984).
They were also patrons of the arts and letters, and they encouraged artists and writers to create works that celebrated their glory and power. Nobles were also very attached to their social status and lineage. According to the French historian, Philippe Contamine,
"The nobles were proud of their heritage and their name" (Contamine, 1976).
They considered themselves superior to peasants and other social classes.
1.3. Income and wealth of the nobles
The nobles drew their income from several sources:
Land rent: nobles owned land and castles, and they collected rents and taxes from the peasants who worked them.
Taxes and corvées: the nobles imposed taxes and corvées on the peasants who lived on their lands.
War: Nobles participated in military campaigns and received spoils and ransoms.
According to British historian Christopher Allmand,
"the nobles were war entrepreneurs" (Allmand, 1988).
They invested in armies and military equipment to participate in military campaigns and receive booty and ransoms. In conclusion, nobles in the 14th century lived in very different living conditions than peasants. They owned land and castles, and they derived their income from land rent, taxes, and corvées imposed on peasants. They were also patrons of the arts and literature, and they encouraged artists and writers to create works that celebrated their glory and power.
1.4. The revolt
The peasant jacquerie began in May 1358 in the region of Saint-Leu-d'Esserent in northern France. The peasants, armed with pitchforks, sickles, and sticks, attacked the castles and estates of the lords (Soboul, 1976). The jacques, as they were called, also pillaged and burned villages and towns. A contemporary account, the Chronique de Froissart , describes the actions of the jacques: "The jacques pillaged and burned everything they found on their way, and killed all the nobles and lords they encountered" (Froissart, 1358). The jacques also created assemblies to discuss their demands and to organize their struggle (Bourin, 2005). They demanded the abolition of corvées, dues and taxes, as well as the release of peasants imprisoned for debt (Soboul, 1976).
1.5. The violent actions of the Jacques
The Jacques committed many acts of violence against lords and nobles. According to the Chronicle of Froissart , the Jacques killed more than 100 nobles and lords in the region of Saint-Leu-d'Esserent (Froissart, 1358). A testimony from the time, the Chronicle of Jean le Bel , describes the actions of the Jacques:
"The Jacques killed the lords and nobles with pitchforks and sickles, and threw their bodies into the rivers and ponds" (Jean le Bel, 1358).
The Jacques also committed acts of violence against the properties of lords and nobles. According to the Chronicle of Froissart , the Jacques had burned down more than 100 castles and properties in the region of Saint-Leu-d'Esserent (Froissart, 1358).
1.6. Repression
The revolt was violently suppressed by the lords and nobles. The peasants were massacred, imprisoned or sentenced to prison terms (Soboul, 1976). The repression was so violent that the peasant jacquerie was considered a failure (Bourin, 2005).
A contemporary account, the Chronicle of John the Fair , describes the repression: "The lords and nobles killed the jacques with swords and lances, and threw their bodies into the rivers and ponds" (John the Fair, 1358).
1.7. Teaching
The peasant revolt of 1358 was a movement of revolt against feudal oppression that took the form of an armed insurrection against the lords and nobles. The peasants used weapons to defend themselves against the lords and nobles, but the revolt was violently suppressed. The peasant revolt was considered a failure, but it showed that the peasants were willing to fight for their rights and a better life.
2. The Practice of Worker Sabotage: A Form of Resistance against Capitalist Exploitation
The practice of worker sabotage, which emerged in the 19th century, is a form of workers' resistance against capitalist exploitation. Workers, who were subjected to harsh working conditions and low wages, used sabotage as a means of resistance against employers who exploited them.
According to French historian Fernand Rude, "worker sabotage was a form of resistance against capitalist exploitation, which took the form of equipment damage, slowdowns in production, and boycotts" (Rude, 1957). Worker sabotage was used in a variety of industries, including mines, factories, and railroads.
3. Sabotage in the French Labor Movement: A History of Resistance and Struggle
Sabotage is a form of resistance and struggle that workers have used throughout history to defend their rights and improve their working conditions. In France, sabotage was used by workers to protest unsafe working conditions, low wages, and employers' abuse of power. In this article, we will explore the history of sabotage in the French labor movement, drawing on specific documentary references.
3.1. The Canuts of Lyon (1831) the precursors of sabotage as a means of workers' struggle
The Canuts de Lyon, weavers from Lyon, are considered the first to use sabotage as a means of protest. In 1831, they sabotaged looms to protest against manufacturers who wanted to lower their wages. According to French historian Fernand Rude,
"The Canuts of Lyon inaugurated the first modern strike in France, with means of struggle that were to become classic: work stoppages, demonstrations, barricades and sabotage" (Rude, 1957).
3.1.1. The economic and social context
At the beginning of the 19th century, the city of Lyon was in full economic expansion, thanks to the textile industry that had taken off. The silk manufacturers, who employed thousands of weavers, sought to increase their production and reduce their costs. To do this, they decided to lower the wages of the Canuts, which led to a significant decrease in their standard of living.
3.1.2. Strike and sabotage
In response to this decision, the Canuts decided to go on strike. They refused to work and demonstrated in the streets of Lyon to protest against the manufacturers. However, their action was not limited to simply stopping work. The Canuts also decided to sabotage the looms, damaging or destroying them, to prevent the manufacturers from continuing their production.
According to French historian Fernand Rude,
"The Canuts of Lyon inaugurated the first modern strike in France, with means of struggle that were to become classic: work stoppages, demonstrations, barricades and sabotage" (Rude, 1957).
Sabotage was an original and effective means of protest, which allowed the Canuts to take control of the situation and put pressure on the manufacturers.
3.1.3. The consequences of the strike
The Canuts strike had important consequences for the French labor movement. It showed that workers could mobilize and fight for their rights, even in the face of powerful employers. The strike also inspired other social and labor movements, which adopted similar tactics to defend their interests. However, the Canuts strike was also brutally repressed. The demonstrators were dispersed by force, and many Canuts were arrested and sentenced to prison terms.
3.1.4. Teaching the struggle of the Canuts of Lyon
The strike of the Canuts of Lyon in 1831 was an important historical event for the French labor movement. It showed that workers could mobilize and fight for their rights, even in the face of powerful employers. Sabotage, used for the first time as a means of protest, became an effective tool for social and union movements. The Canuts of Lyon remain today a symbol of workers' struggle and resistance against exploitation.
3.2. The Rive-de-Gier Miners' Strike (1844) a key event in the history of the French workers' movement
In 1844, miners in Rive-de-Gier , a small town in the Loire department of France, went on strike to protest the dangerous working conditions and low wages they were receiving. The strike, which lasted several weeks, was a significant event in the history of the French labor movement and marked a turning point in the fight for workers' rights.
3.2.1. Working conditions of minors
The miners of Rive-de-Gier worked in extremely difficult conditions. The coal mines were poorly ventilated, which led to risks of explosion and asphyxiation. The miners also worked in narrow and poorly lit tunnels, which increased the risk of accidents. In addition, wages were very low, making it difficult for the miners to provide for their families.
3.2.2. Strike and sabotage
On March 14, 1844, the miners of Rive-de-Gier decided to go on strike to protest these unacceptable working conditions. They demanded wage increases, better working conditions and the implementation of safety measures to prevent accidents. However, the employers refused to negotiate with the strikers and tried to find strike breakers to resume production.
To prevent this, the miners decided to sabotage the machines and equipment of the mines. They destroyed the pumps, winches and other machines necessary for the exploitation of the mines. This sabotage allowed the strikers to maintain pressure on the employers and to defend their rights.
3.2.3. The impact of the strike and its consequences in the history of the workers' movement: creation of the first workers' international
The Rive-de-Gier miners' strike also had a significant impact on the history of the French labor movement . The strike also inspired other social and trade union movements in France and contributed to the creation of the first Workers' International in 1864. According to French historian Claude Willard,
"The miners of Rive-de-Gier used sabotage to defend their rights and improve their working conditions. This strike was an example of class struggle and workers' resistance to capitalist exploitation" (Willard, 1965).
3.3. The Railway Workers' Strike of 1898
In 1898, French railway workers went on strike to protest harsh working conditions and low wages. They sabotaged the tracks and trains to prevent employers from finding strikebreakers. According to French historian Georges Lefranc,
"The railway workers used sabotage to show their determination and strength" (Lefranc, 1953).
3.4. The Miners' Strike of 1930: a resistance movement against dangerous working conditions and low wages
In 1930, France was in the midst of an economic crisis. The Great Depression had led to a sharp drop in industrial production and a dramatic rise in unemployment . In this difficult context, French miners, who were working in extremely difficult and dangerous conditions, decided to go on strike to protest against their working conditions and insufficient wages.
French miners, who numbered about 150,000 at the time, worked in coal, iron ore and other mineral mines. Their working conditions were extremely difficult: they often worked more than 12 hours a day, in narrow, poorly ventilated tunnels, with constant risks of explosion, fire and injury. Wages were also very low, often lower than those of other workers in the industry.
3.4.1. Sabotage: a form of resistance
The French miners were not satisfied with the responses of their employers and the government to their demands. So, they decided to take more radical measures to defend their rights and improve their working conditions. They sabotaged the mine's machinery and equipment to prevent the employers from finding strikebreakers, who were workers who agreed to work during the strike to break the miners' solidarity. According to French historian Pierre Laroque,
"The miners used sabotage to defend their rights and improve their working conditions."
Sabotage was a form of resistance that allowed miners to take control of their situation and fight against the injustices of which they were victims.
3.4.2. The consequences of the strike
The French miners' strike of 1930 had important consequences. First, it led to a strong mobilization of public opinion in favor of the miners. Second, the strike led to significant changes in the working conditions of the miners. The French government and employers were forced to negotiate with the miners' unions and grant them improvements in their working conditions. The miners obtained higher wages, shorter working hours, and safer working conditions. The French miners' strike of 1930 was an important moment in French social and trade union history. The miners used sabotage as a form of resistance to defend their rights and improve their working conditions. The strike had important consequences, including the creation of a climate of solidarity and support for the miners, and significant changes in the working conditions of the miners. This resistance movement continues to inspire workers and unions today.
According to French historian Pierre Laroque,
"The miners used sabotage to defend their rights and improve their working conditions" (Laroque, 1963).
3.5. The 1995 Railway Workers' Strike
In December 1995, French railway workers went on strike to protest harsh working conditions and low wages. The strike, which lasted several weeks, was marked by sabotage of the tracks and trains, preventing employers from finding strikebreakers to replace the strikers. According to French historian Michel Pigenet, "the railway workers used sabotage to show their determination and strength" (Pigenet, 2001). The 1995 railway workers' strike was not an isolated event, but rather the result of a long series of social conflicts that erupted in France in the 1990s. Indeed, the French government had launched a series of reforms aimed at liberalizing the economy and reducing labor costs, which led to a deterioration in working conditions and wages for many workers (Le Monde, 1995 ). Railway workers, in particular, were affected by these reforms, as their sector was one of the first to be liberalised. Working conditions on the railways were already difficult, with long and irregular working hours, low wages and safety risks (L'Humanité, 1995). The 1995 strike was triggered by the government's decision to downsize the railways and privatise some lines, which was seen as a threat to railway workers' jobs and working conditions.
The 1995 railway strike was marked by sabotage of railway tracks and trains. Strikers also occupied railway stations and marshalling yards, preventing employers from finding strikebreakers to replace the strikers (Le Figaro, 1995). According to one striking railway worker,
"We used sabotage to show that we are not slaves, that we are not ready to accept anything" (Libération, 1995).
The 1995 railway strike was an example of workers' resistance to exploitation. And yes, the railway workers also used sabotage. They showed the power of the working class! The examples cited above show that sabotage has been used in different sectors and at different times to fight against dangerous working conditions, low wages and the abuse of power by employers.
4. The Link between the Peasant Jacquerie and the Practice of Worker Sabotage
Despite the significant time gap between the peasant jacquerie and the practice of workers' sabotage, there are interesting theoretical and historical links between the two movements. Both movements were characterized by resistance against oppression and exploitation, and used similar forms of struggle, such as attacks on property and boycotts.
According to French historian Pierre Laroque,
"The peasant revolt and the practice of worker sabotage were two forms of resistance against oppression and exploitation, which used similar means to achieve their objectives" (Laroque, 1963).
Both movements were also characterized by strong solidarity among participants, who worked together to achieve their goals.
4.1. The Yellow Vest Movement and the Link with the Peasant Jacquerie and the Practice of Worker Sabotage
The Yellow Vest movement, which emerged in France in 2018, was characterized by demonstrations and road blockades to protest the government's economic policies.
The movement has been compared to the peasant revolt and the practice of worker sabotage, because of its resistance against oppression and exploitation according to historian François SIROT.
4.2. The Book of Emile Pouget and the Link with the Peasant Jacquerie and the Practice of Worker Sabotage
Emile Pouget's book, "Le Sabotage" , published in 1912, is a work that explores the practice of worker sabotage and its links to the peasant revolt. Pouget, a French anarchist, was one of the leading theorists of the practice of worker sabotage.
According to Pouget,
"Sabotage is a form of resistance against oppression and exploitation, which has been used by workers throughout history" (Pouget, 1912).
Pouget also stressed the importance of solidarity among workers, which is necessary to achieve the goals of the resistance.
4. CONCLUSION AND LESSONS FROM THE HISTORY OF CLASS STRUGGLE
The peasant revolts that have marked the history of social struggles show us that resistance against oppression and exploitation is possible, even in the most difficult conditions. Peasants, often considered as helpless victims, have been able to organize effective forms of struggle to defend their rights and their lands. They show us that solidarity, cooperation and determination can overcome even the strongest powers.
Today, we can draw lessons from these past struggles to fight against modern forms of oppression and exploitation. We know that strikes, demonstrations and protests can be useful tools to bring us together and unite. But we must also be prepared to go further, to break down barriers and take concrete steps to end exploitation and oppression.
We must learn from history that social struggle cannot be solely peaceful and institutional. It is time to rediscover the radicalism and determination of the peasant jacqueries, to claim our place in society and refuse to be walked over. We must be prepared to take risks, to confront established powers and to build a new society based on equality, justice and solidarity.
We cannot forget that our history is made of struggles and resistances, and that it is by drawing inspiration from these forgotten heroes that we can build a different future. So, what are we waiting for to get up and fight? That the Jacques and the Communards did not die for nothing…
THE TIME FOR FIGHTING HAS COME! DIRECT ACTIONS! STRIKES! BLOCKADES! NO MEANS OF STRUGGLE CAN BE DISMISSED!
5. References
• Allmand, C. (1988). The Hundred Years War. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
• Bourin, M. (2005). The peasant revolt of 1358. In M. Bourin (Ed.), France in the Middle Ages (pp. 245-260). Paris: Éditions du Seuil.
• Braudel, F. (1985). The Mediterranean and the Mediterranean World in the Time of Philip II . Paris: Éditions de la Sorbonne.
• Contamine, P. (1976). The Nobility in the Middle Ages. Paris: Presses universitaires de France.
• Duby, G. (1968). Rural Economy and Country Life in the Medieval West. Paris: Éditions Flammarion.
• Froissart, J. (1358). Chronicle of Froissart . Paris: Editions de la Sorbonne.
• John the Fair. (1358). Chronicle of John the Fair . Paris: Editions de la Sorbonne.
• Keen, M. (1984). Chivalry. New Haven: Yale University Press.
• Laroque, P. (1963). Miners on Strike. Paris: Éditions sociales.
• Lefranc, G. (1953). The Railway Workers on Strike. Paris: Éditions sociales.
• Le Monde, 1995. “Railway reform: a liberalization project”.
• Le Figaro, 1995. “Railway workers occupy stations and sorting centers.”
• Le Roy Ladurie, E. (1977). The peasants of Languedoc . Paris: Editions de la Sorbonne.
• Libération, 1995. “Railway workers on strike: “We are not slaves””.
• L'Humanité, 1995. “Railway workers on strike against railway reform”.
• Machaut, G. de (1350). The Book of Seeing Said. Edited by P. Imbs. Paris: French General Bookstore.
• Noiriel, G. (1986). Workers in French Society, 19th-20th Century. Paris: Éditions du Seuil.
• Perrot, M. (1974). Workers on Strike: France, 1871-1890. Paris: Editions of the School for Advanced Studies in the Social Sciences.
• Pigenet, M., 2001. “The railway workers on strike: history of a social movement”. Editions de l’Atelier.
• Pouget, E. (1912). Sabotage. Paris: Editions La Guerre sociale.
• Rude, F. (1957). The Canuts of Lyon. Paris: Éditions Sociales.
• Rude, F. (1957). Worker Sabotage. Paris: Social Editions.
• Sirot, S. (2020). The Yellow Vest Movement. Paris: La Découverte Editions.
• Soboul, A. (1976). The Peasant Jacquerie. Paris: Social Editions.
• Soboul, A. (1976). The French Revolution . Paris: Éditions Gallimard.
• Willard, C. (1965). The Miners of Rive-de-Gier. Paris: Éditions sociales.
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